On the Duality of culture and Nature
by David R. Loy
PHILOSOPHICA
Volume 55
Janaury 1995
pp.9-35
9
ABSTRACT
Much of the Western tradition can be understood in terms of increasing
self- consciousness about the difference between culture and nature.
The problems that anthropology has recently discovered about culture
parallel what Buddhism claims about the problem of the individual
self. We alternate between the promise of technological progress
(freedom through self-grounding) and yearning for a return to nature
(security through regrounding). Since both are impossible for us, is
there is any third alternative?
It is very remarkable that we should be inclined to think of
civilization -- houses, trees, cars, etc. -- as separating man
from his origins, from what is lofty and eternal, etc. Our
civilized environment, along with its trees and plants, strikes us
then as though it were cheaply wrapped in cellophane and isolated
from everything great, from God, as it were. That is a remarkable
picture that intrudes upon us. (Wittgenstein)(1)
Wittgenstein's ignorance of the history of philosophy was not always
an advantage, yet sometimes it helped him to see what the rest of us
tend to see through. Although the epigraph may be taken in different
ways, for me it brings into question a distinction so fundamental that
it is extremely difficult to think about -- because we almost
inevitably find ourselves thinking with it: the dualism between nature
and culture. This is a bifurcation which has taken and continues to
take many different forms, but which may be traced back to the Greek
distinction between phusis and nomos, nature and convention. Was this
conceptual antinomy a liberating discovery, because it deprived social
and ideological structures of their
10
necessary and 'atural' character, or was it a thought-construction
that we today find ourselves constrained by? Or both? Such questions
reveal how inescapable the dualism has become for us: even the attempt
to understand it becomes expressed in terms of it.
Much of the Western tradition can be understood in terms of
increasing self- consciousness about the difference between nature and
convention/culture, and the dialectic whereby each alternately becomes
preferred to the other. Hesiod (8th C. BCE?), who stands not far
inside the threshold of literacy, already distinguishes between the
traditional agricultural life he praises -- in the Golden Age of the
past -- and the technological innovations that Protagoras and
Anaxagoras would later praise -- which may lead to a golden age in the
future. These temporal orientations became enshrined as part of the
fixed pattern: those who yearn for nature evoke the past, while those
who privilege culture have high hopes for the future. Then as today,
nobody is satisfied with the present.
The fifth century brought not only the democratic and
imperialistic aspirations of Periclean Athens but also the first plans
for reorganizing society along more rational lines. As Democritus
expressed it, nature is not simply inborn but may be implanted with
education and training. The most enthusiastic proclamation of human
ability to control and transform the natural is found in Sophocles'
Antigone lines 332-375, although these verses close with the warning
-- the first of many since -- that this possibility is a mixed
blessing. Like so many other conceptual tensions, that between phusis
and nomos was addressed and not quite resolved by Plato: the simpler
life of earlier pastoral society was more conducive to goodness and
happiness, yet it lacked philosophy (Laws 679e) -- itself a product of
the growing alienation between social custom and natural order.
The Cynics may be viewed as a radical reaction to this split: in
response to the unsatisfactory nomos that their reconstructing Greek
society offered, they preferred to live naturally, dog-like (Gr.,
kunikos). Unfortunately for them, the attraction of such a lifestyle
was at the same time its impossibility. Once convention has been
recognized as convention, you cannot go home again, for the essential
condition of someone truly "close to nature" is that one does not know
one is close to nature. The paradox has dogged us ever since.
Closer to our time, but no less determined by this dualism, such
figures as Diderot, Rousseau, Herder, the Romantics, and later
Spengler
11
(to mention only a few) contrasted the organic and genuine with the
artificiality and superficiality of conventionality, seeking
spontaneity and sincerity in place of sterile rationality. On the
other side, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Condorcet and Comte (to mention only a
few) expressed almost unbounded optimism in the progressive capacity
of human beings to understand and control the laws of their own
development. Even closer to home, because still largely determining
the ways we think about our own "nature" Freud emphasizes the
importance of the socially-constructed ego and superego controlling
the anomic urges of libido instinct; Marcuse and Norman Brown
celebrate eros unbound.
Is the Internet liberatory or alienating? Are humans the rightful
stewards of nature, or is it better to "let things be" and allow each
species its own intrinsic value? Should economic policy minimize
government control of the "free market",or does the marketplace need
to be carefully regulated? Should liberal education instill an
appreciative awareness of the long and rich tradition that has made us
what we are, or should it train us to think critically -- more often
than not, to uncover the multifarious ways that tradition disguises
itself as natural and inevitable? The tropes shift, and what is
culture in one context becomes nature in another, yet consciously or
unconsciously we continue to line up on both sides of issues that are
none the less important for reconstituting the same fundamental
dialectic.
Inescapable for us, perhaps, but not universal. In fact, it seems
to me that the significance we have come to place upon the duality
between phusis and nomos is distinctively Western, because almost
uniquely Greek in origin.(2) Historically, the distinction became
important due to the sophists, whose privileged position in Greek
society allowed for the development of a new transcendental vision
radically different from those that arose in other ancient
civilizations.
In most premodern societies the sociopolitical order is validated
by sacralizing it. Rulers are gods or empowered by them; to revolt
against secular authority, therefore, is to challenge divine power as
well. Occasionally, however, contrary transcendental visions have
succeeded in distinguishing a sacred dimension from the political.
What social conditions encouraged the development of such alternative
perspectives?
"Transcendence," whether it takes the form of divine revelation or
of theoretical cosmology, implies a search for authority outside
the
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institutionalized offices and structures of the seeker's society.
Even its most concrete form, the law code, implies a transfer of
authority from the holders of office to the written rule.
Transcendental impulses therefore constitute, by definition, an
implicit challenge to traditional authority and indicate some
dissatisfaction with it.... [N]ew transcendental visions are...
likely to be presented by persons in a precariously independent,
interstitial -- or at least exposed and somewhat solitary --
position in society; they are therefore particularly likely to
occur in societies sufficiently differentiated to have specialized
social roles with distinct bases of authority, but not complex
enough to have integrated these roles into functionally
differentiated structures.(3)
This fits the main examples of transcendence that come to mind. In the
case of Hebrew monotheism, "interstitial" prophets such as Amos,
Isaiah and Jeremiah developed the ethical transcendentalism
established by the Mosaic covenant; Max Weber drew attention to how
their precarious independence was supported by their ability to
prophesize in towns and then withdraw into the hills. In the case of
India, Louis Dumont has pointed out a two-stage process: Vedic rituals
became so complicated that the role of specialist priests became
exalted; then later there appeared "a full-fledged and peculiar social
role outside society proper: the renouncer, as an
individual-outside-the-world, inventor or adept of a 'discipline of
salvation' and of its social concomitant, best called the Indian
sect."(4)
The case of axial-age Greece differs decisively from both
the above. Humphreys finds the necessary precondition for a
transcendental perspective on society in the privileged and relatively
independent position of its intellectuals, especially the sophists,
whose special linguistic skills provided "the ability to recreate
social relationships and manipulate them in thought."5 In this
instance, however, what Greek intellectuals offered was less a new
vision of the divine than a new vision of the secular -- in other
words, they discovered or created what became our distinction between
the sacred and the secular. Instead of reforming the Homeric pantheon,
with its unsatisfactory vision of life and the afterlife, they sought
to displace it by distinguishing logos from mythos. Thought liberated
itself from myth and superstition, thereby establishing another
ambivalent duality whose consequences we still benefit from and
struggle against. Or, more precisely, another aspect of the same
phusis - nomos
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dialectic, since nomos and logos both serve to demystify and
subordinate what had previously been taken for granted as "natural"
Thales founded philosophy when he did not use the gods to explain the
world. Solon did not get his new laws from them. Pericles did not even
mention them in his funeral oration. Greek drama reduced their role by
emphasizing human motivation and responsibility. Socrates cited the
gods only to justify a quest for wisdom that did not otherwise depend
on them.
One does not escape the gods so easily, however. Psychologically
they serve a crucial function. We ground ourselves in a mythological
worldview because it organizes the cosmos for us: it explains who we
are, why we are here, and what our role is in the larger order of
things. Even if that vision is in some ways inadequate -- as Homeric
religion certainly was -- its disappearance is likely to make things
worse, because the liberation of logos also liberates the anxiety of
freedom, from the realization that there is no "natural"
transcendental order sacralizing our way of life.
The psychoanalyst Otto Rank divided our anxiety into two
complementary fears. "Whereas the life fear is anxiety at going
forward, becoming an individual, the death fear is anxiety at going
backward, losing individuality. Between these two fear possibilities
the individual is thrown back and forth all his life."(6) This can be
expressed just as well in terms of freedom: we feel the need to be
free, but becoming free makes us more anxious and therefore more
inclined to sacrifice that freedom for security, at which time we
again feel a need to be free... In short, our two great needs, freedom
and security, conflict. With regard to the relationship between nature
and culture, this issue is primarily a problem of meaning: to accept
one's culture as natural implies that the meaning of my life is
decided for me, while the freedom to discover or construct my own
meaning is to embrace a vertigo resulting from the lack of an external
-- i.e., a "natural" -- foundation.
If this dialectic can also be true for whole societies, it is
consistent with what we now know about the "harmonious Greeks" and
helps to explain why Athenian democracy collapsed. Since Burckhardt
and Nietzsche it has become obvious that the Greeks were not
Apollonian but profoundly anxious and troubled, "an unusually
energetic, restless, turbulent people, given to excess ", who
idealized harmony and balance because it was a virtue they rarely
achieved. As Thucydides put it, they "were born into the world to take
no rest themselves, and to give none
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to others."(7)
The cultural flowering that continues to awe us is easier to
appreciate in retrospect. Because it so fundamentally challenged the
old ways, such an explosion of creativity was profoundly disturbing to
most people at the time. Many progressive thinkers were tried for
heresy: Anaxagoras, Diagoras, Socrates, probably Protagoras and
Euripides; Plato and Aristotle wisely absented themselves. As
Euripides realized, "the gain which has accrued to man from his
newly-found independence" is that "he has no firm ground to stand on,
and is helplessly exposed to the hazards of life."(8) Unsurprisingly,
there was "an undeniable growth of anxiety and dread in the evolution
of Greek religion."(9) This anxiety was alo projected externally. When
Athens became democratic, it became not less but more imperialistic
and genocidal, as the Peloponnesian War demonstrates, which is to say
that collectively the Athenians'impulses towards greed and domination
may actually have been increased by the fact that they had evolved a
new mode of self-governance.(10)
The fourth century (which began with Socrates'execution)
increasingly came to emphasize personal freedom and "self-indulgence"
as the integrity of the polis declined in favor of the individual
advancement which came to preoccupy those who controlled economic life
and many of those who controlled political affairs. Plato's Republic
and Laws present a reaction to this: the increasingly jaundiced view
of an old man who has observed the development and the failures of
personal liberty, for without self-control freedom had become
libertinism. Aristotle is almost as critical of the new polities in
which he lived, for "in these extreme democracies, each man lives as
he likes -- or, as Euripides says,"For any end he chances to desire
'".(11) The democratic experiment in self-government had not worked to
resolve the increased anxiety that the increased individualism of the
"democratic personality" generated, for tthe self-governance of the
demos clearly did not entail the self-governance of the self.
The consequences of this for Greek thought were profound.
Philosophical discourse on freedom took a radically new turn as a
critical distinction was made between outer and inner freedom. The
Republic makes a momentous analogy between harmony in the state and
harmony in the soul. Plato came to conceive of reason as the master
with desire and emotion as its slaves. The virtue of freedom was
retained by reconceptualizing it in terms of the self-mastery of self-
consciousness. In contrast
15
to the incoherent life of the democrat, the psychic tendencies of the
spiritually developed individual are harmonized with each other
because they are governed by reason.(12)
Just as the sophists had realized that the state is nomos, a
construction which can be reconstructed, so those after Socrates
realized that the psyche is a construction which can be reconstructed,
with reason as the master. And the aggravated anxiety that shadowed
increased individualism required such psychic reconstruction. Rather
than solving the growing problem with civic freedom, however, this
aggravated it: like the merchants and politicians who retreated into
the more private world of their own self-advancement, those who
succeeded Plato retreated from committment to the polis into the more
private world of abstract thought, which for them became the only
method by which true freedom might be gained.
This encouraged or aggravated a third dualism (or a third aspect
to the phusis / nomos, mythos / logos dualism): the split between soma
and psyche, body and soul. In becoming more self-conscious, the mind
became more aware of itself as other than the body yet nonetheless
subject to it, and in particular subject to the same fate. In this way
an anxiety for freedom showed itself. "Nature" is from the Latin
natus, Òb orn Ó, but what is born also dies. The discovery of the
psyche was or soon became an attempt to reach the eternal and
incorruptible, to escape the cycle of nature whereby whatever attains
form is doomed to decay and death. As Santayana puts it somewhere,
repetition is the only form of permanence that nature can achieve. For
some cultures this seems to have been enough, but psyche offered (and
greater self-consciousness perhaps required) the possibility of
personal survival, even as nomos offered the possibility of symbolic
survival: the continuation of cultural constructs including one's name
and personal influence.
The parallel is too suggestive to ignore. Is the duality of nature
and culture that of body and soul writ large? Soul and society both
seek to escape the physical constraints of the natural world, yet all
they can achieve is increasing alienation from that which they are,
from the other perspective, manifestations of. The result is that kind
of marriage where the couple are not happy together but cannot live
apart. The alienated mind uses logos to try to subdue and/or escape
its physical ground; civilization uses logos-technology to pursue the
same ambivalent goal by transforming the natural world into its own
image -- until everything
16
natural is turned into "resources" to be consumed. In both cases the
anxiety generated by this alienation generates projects that only
increase the alienation (and thus the anxiety).
II
I have gone on at such length about the classical Greek situation
because the seeds that sprouted then grew to become trees still
luxuriant in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. That brings us to
Christopher Herbert Õs Culture and Anomie: Ethnographic Imagination in
the Nineteenth Century13, which traces the now problematic culture
concept back to anthropology Õs reaction against Christian evangelism.
For Wesley and other eighteenth-century evangelists, the doctrine of
original sin describes the dangerous state of ungoverned (anomic)
desire. According to this version of the nature vs. culture dualism,
society is Òa n artificial restraint imposed by necessity upon
volatile, uncontrollably self-multiplying individual impulses and
desires which in a state of unimpaired freedom, could any such state
exist, would act without limit. Ó1 4 Herbert claims that the
anthropological doctrine of culture (and of Óc ultural wholeness Ò, in
particular) evolved as a scientific rebuttal of this myth, although a
refutation that has never succeeded in fully dispelling it, since in
other guises it remains a leading paradigm of modern (usually
conservative) social thought.
In response, Herbert, following Itard and Pritchard, argues that
culture is less a (dualistic) system of controls imposed upon desire
than a system of desire. Anomic desire freed from its "cultural script
" becomes insane not because it violates prohibitions but because it
contradicts and frustrates itself:
[T]he function of culture is not to restrain bestial drives, but
to consolidate and articulate energies that become garbled and
wholly ineffectual when left to find their own track by
themselves. By its uncontrollable fragmentation and
multiplication of objects, modern desire, desire, that is,
conditioned by the post-Rousseauistic cult of personal freedom
from conventionality, dooms itself to frustration.(15)
Anomie, originally understood as a social condition in which norms have
17
ceased acting effectively as restraining influences, is less a
manifestation of unbounded innate desires than a sociological
phenomenon created by structural incoherences within a society.
All of which is helpful for understanding what happened in fifth
and fourth century Greece. Because his argument is confined to the
last two hundred years or so, Herbert does not notice that the dualism
he addresses is only part of a more fundamental nature/culture dualism
which has been constitutive of Western civilization and its burgeoning
self-consciousness. The parallel between Greek and Victorian times is
rooted in similar declines of belief in religious transcendence -- the
Olympian pantheon as much as the Christian God -- which maintained and
validated social norms. As we can see more readily (in retrospect)
than Plato or Aristotle could, the problem that arose in the fourth
century BCE was not a liberation of anomic desire but the collapse of
a nomic system of desire previously maintained by the belief that such
a system was Òn atural Ó, i.e., created and perpetuated by the gods.
When social nomos could no longer be understood as phusis, society
destabilized. Having lost their unquestioned belief in such a
sacralizing ground, the Greek city-states tried to restructure
themselves, as we too continue to try to do, yet self-consciousness of
the difference between nature and culture can never recover the
unselfconscious groundedness that, for better and worse, has been
lost. The freedom that was gained to determine the course of their own
lives, collectively and individually, was equalled by a tragic loss of
security due to the disappearance of a transcendental ground.
From my Buddhist perspective, what is most striking about the
above social problem is how much it resembles the central problem for
the individual self, which according to Buddhism is the sense-of-self
Õs anxiety due to dimly-intuited awareness that it is not
self-existing or "natural" but a mental construct. Classical Greece
demonstrates the similar collective anxiety that arose when a society
became aware of itself as a construct. In order to develop this
parallel, however, it is first necessary to adumbrate the Buddhist
approach as I understand it.
Central to Buddhist teachings is a denial of the self (an-atman).
Contemporary psychology makes such a doctrine seem somewhat less
perverse to us today, by providing some homegrown handles on what
remains a very counterintuitive claim. I think Buddhism anticipated
the reluctant conclusions of psychoanalysis: that guilt and anxiety
are not adventitious but intrinsic to the ego. This is because our
dissatisfaction
18
with life (duhkha) derives from a repression even more immediate than
death-fear: the suspicion that "I" am not real. For Buddhism, the ego
is not a self-existing consciousness but a mental construction, a
fragile sense-of-self suspecting and dreading its own no-thing-ness.
Our problem arises because this conditioned consciousness wants to
ground itself -- i.e., to make itself real. If the sense-of-self is a
construct, however, it can real-ize itself only by objectifying itself
in the world. The ego-self is this never-ending project to objectify
oneself in some way, something consciousness can no more do than a
hand can grasp itself or an eye see itself.
The consequence of this perpetual failure is that the
sense-of-self has, as its inescapable shadow, a sense-of-lack, which
it always tries to escape. In deconstructive terms, the ineluctable
trace of nothingness in our non-self-present being is a feeling of
lack. What Freud called" the return of the repressed "in the distorted
form of a symptom shows us how to link this basic yet hopeless project
with the symbolic ways we try to make ourselves real in the world. We
experience this deep sense of lack as the feeling that "there is
something wrong with me," yet that feeling manifests, and we respond
to it, in many different ways: I'm not rich enough, not published
enough, not loved enough, etc. Such anxiety is eager to objectify into
fear of something, because we have particular ways to defend ourselves
against particular feared things. The problem with objectifications,
however, is that no object can ever satisfy if it's not really an
object we want.
In this way Buddhism shifts our focus from sexual wishes (Freud)
and the terror of future annihilation (existential psychology) to the
anguish of a groundlessness experienced here and now. The Buddhist
solution to the sense-of-self's sense-of-lack is simple although not
easy. If it is no-thing-ness I am afraid of (i.e., the repressed
suspicion that, rather than being autonomous and self-existent, the
"I" is a construct), the best way to resolve that fear is to confront
what has been denied: to accept my no-thing-ness by becoming no-thing.
Meditation is learning how to become nothing by learning to forget
one's self, which happens when I become absorbed into my
meditation-exercise. Consciousness unlearns trying to grasp itself,
objectify itself, real-ize itself. For Buddhism, then, the only
genuine solution is a "spiritual" one -- that is, one which addresses
the root problem by my "letting go" of myself in order to realize my
interconnectedness with all things.(16)
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III
Whether or not one is inclined to accept such a Buddhist perspective,
it would be farfetched to try to generalize that approach from the
psyche of individuals to the culture of entire societies -- if recent
anthropological theory had not already done so on its own. There seems
to be deep resonance between the traditional Buddhist deconstruction
of the self, as outlined above, and current anthropological critiques
of the culture concept, and I think the parallels are too striking to
be coincidental. Here are some of the more obvious examples:
1.The assumption of cultural wholeness, taken for granted in much
social theory for generations, is today so questionable that cultures
are more likely to be perceived as masses of "shreds and patches",
(17) composites made up of traits borrowed and adapted from the other
cultures they have encountered, elements which may or may not be well
integrated with other aspects. A well-known passage from Kroeber's
Anthropology illustrates this:
We do not think of our American civilization as something that is
particularly discordant or ill-assembled. Yet we speak an
Anglo-Saxon form of a Germanic language that contains more
original Latin than English words. Our religion is Palestinian,
with its specific formulations into denominations made chiefly in
Rome, Germany, England, Scotland, and Holland. Our Bible is
translated partly from Hebrew, partly from Greek. We drink coffee
first grown in Ethiopia and adopted in Arabia, tea discovered in
China, beer first brewed in ancient Mesopotamia or Egypt, hard
liquor invented in mediaevel Europe. Our bread, beef, and other
meats are from plants and animals first domesticated in Asia; our
potatoes, corn, tomatoes and beans were first used by the American
Indians; likewise tobacco. We write an Etruscan-Roman variant of a
Greek form of an alphabet invented in or near Phoenicia by a
Semitic people on the basis of nonalphabetic writing in still more
ancient cultures; its first printing took place in Germany, on
paper devised in China. It is needless to extend the catalog. We
no longer feel these things of foreign origin as being foreign;
they have become an integral part of our culture.... This is not
because modern American civilization is particularly
20
polyglot, but because so far as we can tell such a condition is
typical of all cultures.(18)
This passage also reminds us of the importance of cultural change.
Insofar as it emphasizes field work, the anthropological study of
exotic tribal societies has a tendency to view them diachronically,
yet cultures constantly interact with old and new environmental
influences, adapt to other cultures, and experience "cultural drift"
as they transform according to internal developments.(19)
Everything above applies just as much to the sense-of-self,
according to Buddhism, which also emphasizes impermanence (anitya) due
to incessant transformation of the self as much as all other things.
Compare Kroeber Õs passage with the following one from Thich Nhat
Hanh, a well-known contemporary Vietnamese Zen teacher:
If you are a poet, you will see clearly that there is a cloud
floating in this sheet of paper. Without a cloud, there will be no
rain; without rain, the trees cannot grow, and without trees we
cannot make paper. The cloud is essential for the paper to exist.
If the cloud is not here, the sheet of paper cannot be here
either....
If we look into this sheet of paper even more deeply, we can
see the sunshine in it. If the sunshine is not there, the tree
cannot grow. In fact, nothing can grow. Even we cannot grow
without sunshine. And so, we know that the sunshine is also in
this sheet of paper. The paper and the sunshine inter-are. And if
we continue to look, we can see the logger who cut the tree and
brought it to the mill to be transformed into paper. And we see
the wheat. We know that the logger cannot exist without his daily
bread, and therefore the wheat that became his bread is also in
this sheet of paper. And the logger's father and mother are in it
too....You cannot point out one thing that is not here -- time,
space, the earth, the rain, the minerals in the soil, the
sunshine, the cloud, the river, the heat. Everything co-exists
with this sheet of paper....
As thin as this sheet of paper is, it contains everything in
the universe in it.(20)
Needless to say, what is true for every sheet of paper is even more
true for each of us. So far from being an integral, self-contained
whole, both
21
the self and the culture which it both forms and forms part of are due
to the incorporation (and interaction) of innumerable elements usually
understood to be "outside". Notice, however, a difference between the
two passages: Kroeber discusses cultural traits, while Thich Nhat Hanh
makes no distinction between natural and cultural aspects: the first
(clouds, the sun) elides "naturally" into the other (sawmill, paper).
There will be more to say about this later.
2.Early Pali Buddhism deconstructs the sense-of-self in two ways:
diachronically into the five skandhas (form, sensation, perception,
volitional tendencies, conditioned consciousness) whose interaction
maintains the illusion of self, and synchronically with the doctrine
of pratitya-samutpada "dependent origination", which Sakyamuni Buddha
himself called the most important of his teachings. Dependent
origination explains our experience not in terms of a self perceiving
an other, but by locating all phenomena within a set of twelve factors
(ignorance, volitional tendencies, conditioned consciousness, the
fetus, sense-organs, contact, sensation, craving, grasping, becoming,
rebirth, suffering and death), each conditioned by and conditioning
all the others. There is no reference to something else outside (e.g.,
transcendent to) this cycle, or to some originary time before this
cycle began operating. In response to the question of how rebirth can
occur without a permanent soul or self that is reborn, rebirth is
explained as part of this series of impersonal processes which occur
without any self that is doing or experiencing them.
In Mahayana Buddhism the interdependence of these phenomena is
carried one step further. If things (e.g., this piece of paper) are so
completely dependent upon each other, how can the world be understood
as a collection of discrete things? Each is in effect deconstructed by
all the others; none is self-present because each is always infected
with the traces of the others. This denial of self-existence is the
meaning of sunyata, a notoriously problematic term usually translated
as "emptiness". We are left with a series of interlinked "empty"
phenomena each of which does no more than signify all the others and
be signified by them. This process never yields any self-presence, and
insofar as Buddhist nirvana has been understood to reveal such a
transcendental signified it has been misunderstood.
This may be compared with the theoretical difficulties that
Christopher Herbert identifies in the cultural analyses of
anthropologists such
22
as Benedict and Geertz. The problem is with the symbolic character of
the supposed complex whole, which is believed to reside "in a ramified
chain of signifiers binding into a single scheme of expression all the
disparate features of the life of a society." If we no longer take
this ramified whole for granted, however, there arises "the
disconcerting possibility that all the interlinked signifiers of a
given culture signify nothing but one another in an eternal circular
labyrinthine traffic of "meaning" which never attains an authentic
signified."(21)
Herbert gives as an example Malinowski's attempt (in Argonauts of
the Western Pacific) to grasp the cultural significance of the
Trobriand kula exchange-system in which symbolically-charged trinkets
migrate forever, "doomed to perpetual displacement". Anthropological
efforts to extract the meaning of such cultural symbols are always
inconclusive because open to the charge of subjectively imposing one's
own preferences or presuppositions. The attempt to establish
hierarchies of significance for such symbol systems is like asking to
whom belong, and for whom occur, the phenomena described in pratitya-
samutpada. Sakyamuni rejected that question as misguided: from each
factor arises another; that's all there is. The karmic results of
action are experienced without their being anyone who created the
karma or who receives its fruit, although there is a connection
between the action and its result. Just as there is no master cultural
symbol which subordinates all the others, that we can therefore employ
to understand all the others, so there is no master atman/psyche/
consciousness "within" the person, only a constant displacement and
circulation of mental and physical factors which imply each other.
3.Are the connections among those factors causal? There seems to be a
contradiction in the way that Madhyamika philosophy uses causality to
demonstrate the self-existence of things, yet also denies causation.
Despite denying that there is any specifiable difference between the
everyday world and nirvana, Nagarjuna distinguishes them: our usual,
ordinary world of birth and death is due to perceiving the world in
terms of causal relations; nirvana is the world perceived
non-causally, without interdependence.(22) The paradox is that, if
there is no self-existing thing to cause/be effected, the world will
not be experienced in terms of cause and effect either. If things
originate (and change, cease to exist, etc.), there are no
self-existing things; but if there are no such things then there
23
is nothing to originate and thus no origination. Nagarjuna points out
the aporia within cause-and-effect: the effect cannot be the same as
the cause (for then nothing has been caused), but neither can it be
different from it (in which case any cause should be able to produce
any effect; MMK 10: 19, 22). Therefore pratitya-samutpada is not
really a doctrine of dependent origination but an account of
non-dependent non-origination. Origination, duration and causation are
Òl ike an illusion, a dream, or an imaginary city in the sky Ó (MMK
7: 34). In short, if we do not see "things", we will not observe
their causal relationships either.
Herbert identifies a remarkably similar problem infecting cultural
anthropology insofar as culture is understood as the composite of
relationships among various social phenomena. Any theory of their
systematic interrelationship creates
a galling dilemma for a rigorously empirical science of the kind
that classical anthropology and sociology aspired to be, a science
of "concrete, observable facts", for relationships are not
observable phenomena. In some fashion they inhabit the empty space
between observable phenomena, or, putting the problem in temporal
rather than spatial terms, can be mentally constructed by the
observer only after empirical observation has been done.(23)
This gives culture "a distinctly hypothetical or conjectural
character", something which "can never be demonstrated, only posited
ahead of time as a device for organizing one's data."(24)
As one would expect, this problem becomes further complicated for
structuralist anthropology (in the broad sense) preoccupied with the
doubly abstract notion of the relationships among relationships.
Insofar as it is concerned "to transcend empirical observation and to
reach deeper realities(Levi-Strauss), it ends up positing metaphysical
substances which bypass empirical data and can be "perceived" only by
a kind of extrasensory perception. Herbert points out that the
literature describing this supposed faculty is full of
transcendentalist overtones and that "the subject matter of these
inspired field researchers is conceived to be not ordinary empirical
fact but "deeper realities,"... something essentially occult"(25),
such as Spencer's ghosts-who-demand-propitiation and Durkheim's
metaphysical view of the social collectivity.
And such as our commonsense notion of the self, according to
Bud-
24
hism.In the same way, no one has ever seen an Indian atman or a Greek
psyche or our supposed Cartesian-like consciousness. We project such
occult entities to explain the integrity of a person Õs behavior --
or, more correctly from a Buddhist point of view, we posit the
integrity of that behavior (despite much contrary evidence, which we
ignore or are surprised by) in order to understand people (including
ourselves) as simple self-consciousnesses that generate such behavior
out of themselves.
4.The failure of the structuralist project to discover a "unified
field theory" for the social sciences has led to a new conception of
what theory is and what it can do, well summarized by David Scott:
By "theory" (at least what I have been able to make of it) is
meant that diverse combination of textual or interpretive (or
"reading") strategies -- among them, deconstruction, feminism,
genealogy, psychoanalysis, post-marxism -- that, from about the
early 1970s or so had initiated a challenge to the protocols of a
general hermeneutics..
Theory, in this sense, offered itself as de-disciplinary, as
in fact anti-disciplinary, the virtual undoer of disciplinary
self-identities. It offered itself as a mobile and nomadic field
of critical operations without a proper name, and therefore
without a distinctive domain of objects. Indeed what theory went
after was precisely the assumption (common to the disciplines and
their rage for "method") of the authentic self-authoring presence
of things, of histories, of cultures, of selves, the assumption of
stable essences, in short, that could be made to speak themselves
once and for all through the transparency of an unequivocal and
analytical language. On theory Õs account there could be no final
description, no end to re-description, no ultimate perspective
which could terminate once and for all the possibility of another
word on the matter.(26)
Since such critical theory cannot pretend to mirror the objective
nature of society in categories that reveal without distorting, its
own truth becomes an inextricable part of the phenomena it seeks to
explain:
A full-scale social theory... will form part of its own
object-domain. That is, a social theory is a theory about (among
other things) a-
25
gents' beliefs about their society, but it is itself such a
belief. So if a theory of society is to give an exhaustive account
of the beliefs agents in the society have, it will have to give an
account of itself as one such belief.(27)
It is unnecessary to point out how discomforting this nomadic
conception of theory continues to be for many social scientists. Less
known is that a very similar conception of theory as self-reflexive
and self-negating has been essential to Buddhist philosophy since at
least the time of Nagarjuna (second century CE). Since it emphasized
the need to empty oneself of concepts, Buddhism could not avoid
self-consciousness about its own employment of theoretical constructs.
Sakyamuni compared his own teachings to a raft that may be used to
ferry us across the river of birth and death to the "oher shore" of
nirvana, and then to be abandoned, not carried about on one's back.
Nagarjuna went further by declining to present any view of his own;
his chapter on the nature of nirvana concludes that "ultimate serenity
is the coming to rest of all ways of taking things, the repose of
named things; no truth has been taught by a Buddha for anyone,
anywhere" (MMK 25: 24). This applies also to the crucial concept of
sunyata, which Nagarjuna used to deconstruct the self-existence of
things: sunyata too is relative to those supposed things; it is
nothing more than "the exhaustion of all theories and views" and those
who make sunyata into a theory about the nature of things are
"incurable"(MMK 13: 8).
Nagarjuna's self-negating conception of conception reverberated
through subsequent Buddhism. The sixth Ch "an patriarch Hui-neng,
revered as the greatest of all Ch'an (Zen) masters, also refused to
make Buddhism into a transparent, mirror-like teaching about reality:
"If I tell you that I have a system of Dharma [teaching] to transmit
to others, I am cheating you. What I do to my disciples is to liberate
them from their own bondage with such devices as the case may need."
Only those who do not possess a single system of law can formulate
all systems of law... It makes no difference to those who have
realized the essence of mind whether they formulate all systems of
law or dispense with all of them. They are at liberty to come or
to go. They are free from obstacles or impediments. They take
appropriate actions as circumstances require. They give suitable
answers accor-
26
ding to the temperament of the inquirer.(28)
Insofar as truth is a matter of grasping the categories that
accurately reflect some objective reality, all truth is error on the
Buddhist path.
The crucial issue is whether or not our search for truth -- be it
the personal truth about my own "nature" or the scientific truth about
social systems -- is an attempt to ground ourselves by fixating on
certain concepts. When there is this compulsion, certain ideas can
become seductive: i.e., ideologies. The difference between samsara and
nirvana is that samsara is this world experienced as a sticky web of
attachments which attract us because they seem to offer something we
feel the lack of: a grounding for our groundless sense-of-self.
Intellectually, that seductive quality manifests as a battleground of
conflicting ideologies (including social theories) competing for our
allegiance. Ideologies purport to provide the mind with a sure grasp
on the world: now we know how the world is meaningful and (usually)
what our role in that meaning is.
In other words, ideology is the attempt to objectify ourselves by
understanding ourselves objectively. On this account, the need for
theory, and the problem many have with unanchored critique, is the
intellectual's version of the dialectic noticed earlier between
security and freedom. The Buddhist alternative, as Hui-neng makes
clear, is not to rid oneself of all thought but to be able to think
without needing to ground oneself thereby. The result is a
"non-abiding" wisdom that can wander freely among truths without
needing to fixate on any of them, which could also be called a mobile,
nomadic play that works to undo the supposed self- identities of those
who are anxious because they feel a need to ground their constructed
(and therefore groundless) selves.
Such a teaching is reflexively aware that it always "forms part of
its own object- domain", yet this does not become a problem because
such teachings are designed to self-negate. Since Buddhist conceptual
systems form only part of a religious path that emphasizes meditation
-- during which one lets-go of all conceptualizing -- Buddhism works
to free one from all ideology including itself.
Derrida speaks of the necessity to lodge oneself within
traditional conceptuality in order to destroy it, which expresses
nicely why Nagarjuna insists that the everyday world must be accepted
in order to point to the higher truth that negates it (MMK 24: 8-10).
According to Madhyamika, sunyata is like a poison-antidote that expels
the poison
27
from our bodies and then expels itself, for if the antidote stays
inside to poison us we are no better off than before.
This applies most of all to the version of dualistic thinking that
motivates the Buddhist path: the distinction between nirvana and
samsara, enlightenment and delusion:"Those who delight in maintaining
"without the grasping I will realize nirvana; nirvana is in me" are
the ones with the greatest grasping. When nirvana is not [subject to]
establishment and samsara not [subject to] disengagement, how will
there be any concept of nirvana and samsara? " (MMK 16: 9-10) Rather
than refuting the whole enterprise, however, this realization is
essential to the enterprise.
5.Denying the duality between delusion and enlightenment is not meant
to make us complacent in our delusions. A particular kind of personal
transformation is nonetheless necessary, which dissolves the dualistic
sense of a stable, self-existent "I" inside observing an objective
world outside. The importance of this for Buddhism is so familiar that
it does not need to be elaborated; more interesting is that
anthropology has arrived at a similar conclusion. According to
Herbert, the earliest ethnographers of the South Pacific Òw ere
engaged collectively in a project amounting to the invention of a new
subjectivity, the basis of which appears to be an impulse to
experience a state of radical instability of value --or even the
instability of selfhood itself."(29) They and their successors could
not help but become more self-conscious about the constructed nature
of their own culture -- and therefore about the constructed nature of
their own selves. A hundred years later, Leach would begin Rethinking
Anthropology by emphasizing the necessity for the cultural
anthropologist to undergo "an extremely personal traumatic kind of
experience" in order to escape the prejudices of one's own culture and
be able to enter into another.(30) Roy Wagner's version of this
reproduces what countless Buddhist teachers have said about realizing
Buddhism: "The anthropologist cannot simply learn the new culture, but
must rather 'take it on'so as to experience a transformation of his
own world."(31)
Herbert sees this as reproducing the Wesleyan salvation narrative
"in which an influx of awareness of sin is imagined to be the
prerequisite of the shedding of egoistic selfhood and of the new
spiritual birth which follows. "(32) In addition to the many Buddhist
references one could point to in reply, there are numerous other
instances of such transformations, described in virtually the same
words, in the earlier mystic and pietistic
28
traditions of European Christianity. His narrow reading here
exemplifies the restricted domain of his study, which seldom reaches
back before the nineteenth century and therefore is oblivious of the
larger context within which his culture problematic is situated. This
misses the opportunity to ask what is perhaps the most important
question of all, about the larger meaning of what anthropology has
discovered about the constructed nature of all cultures and selves.
IV
What is the significance, if any,of these parallels between what
Buddhism has discovered about the problem of self and what
anthropology has discovered about the nature of culture?
According to my explication of Buddhism, the basic problem for the
self derives from its quite valid suspicion that it is not
self-existing but a mental construction: a fragile sense-of-self
dreading its own no-thing-ness, its groundlessness. This no-
thing-ness is experienced as a sense-of-lack that motivates me to try
to ground myself, to try to make myself real. This leads to various
attempts to objectify myself... Does modern culture experience a
similar collective problem?
Technology is not applied science. It is the expression of a deep
longing, an original longing that is present in modern science
from its beginning. This is the desire of the self to seek its own
truth through the mastery of the object.... The power of technique
is not to connect thought effectively to nature; it alters nature
to its own purpose. Its aim is to master its being; to own it.
(Verene)(33)
Like the profit motive that generates our economic system, today we
tend to think of scientific and technological progress as natural,
which in this case means: something that does not need to be
explained. But in what sense is it natural to "progress" from the
first biplane of the Wright brothers to a moon-landing during one
lifetime? 34 For Heidegger, the self-assertion of technological
objectification is the main way Being discloses itself to contemporary
man; the essence of modernity is the technological tendency to
reorganize everything into Bestand, a "standing-reserve."(35) In
contrast, Buddhism, which does not refer or defer to any
transcenden-
29
tal Being, can understand the self-assertion of technological
objectification as our constant attempt to negate our collective
no-thing-ness. On this account, technology is our group effort to
create the ultimate security for our self-constructed (and therefore
ungrounded) civilization by transforming the entire world into our own
self-ground. In response to our anxious alienation from nature, we try
to make ourselves real by reorganizing the whole environment (into
"resources") until we can see our own image reflected in everything
"natural". This is why people today can dispense with the consolations
of religion (or how we cope with the fact that those consolations have
been wrested from us): now we have other ways to control our fate, or
to try to. If the world isn't yet "developed" enough to quell our
anxiety (and it never will be), then it will have to be developed
more...
Another way to put it is that technology has become our attempt to
own the universe, an attempt that is always frustrated because, for
reasons we do not quite understand, we never possess it fully enough
to feel secure in our ownership. Is that because the only genuine
salvation is in being owned by it? "We now use the word Nature very
much as our fathers used the word God," John Burroughs noticed at the
turn of the century, "and, I suppose, back of it all we mean the power
that is everywhere present and active, and in whose lap the visible
universe is held and nourished."(36) Nature can take the place of God
because both fulfill our need to be grounded in something greater than
we are; technology cannot because it is motivated by the opposite
response, attempting to banish that mystery by extending our control,
as if the security we crave can be attained by transforming nature
into something like us. Bill McKibben sums up his sombre elegy on The
End of Nature: "We can no longer imagine that we are part of something
larger than ourselves -- that is what all this boils down to. We used
to be." Our success in "improving" nature means we can no longer rest
peacefully in its bosom. We cannot manipulate the natural world in a
collective attempt to self-ground ourselves and also hope to find in
it a ground greater than ourselves. That, in a nutshell, is the source
of the conflict between nomos and phusis for us. The eschatology of
technological progress is based on the promise of the former; those
who want a "return to nature" yearn for the latter. One cannot opt for
both, since the two proposed solutions to our (individual and
collective) anxiety are incompatible.
On the technological side, it is no exaggeration to say that the
extent
30
of the environmental crisis signifies the end to any such dream of a
collective self-grounding, although it remains to be seen whether we
will realize that in time. The supreme irony of our situation today is
that our project to secure ourselves is what threatens to destroy us.
Does that imply a return to nature? But what can that mean for us
today? There is no escape from the Cynic Õs paradox: having alienated
ourselves from it so completely, nature is no longer natural. I
believe it was Petrarch who first climbed a mountain for the enjoyment
of it; up to that time the Alps were perceived mainly as troublesome,
often dangerous obstacles to travel in mid-Europe. Simmel noticed that
one who lives in more direct contact with nature may enjoy its charms
yet "lacks that distance from nature that is the basis for aesthetic
contemplation and the root of that quiet sorrow, that feeling of
yearning estrangement and of a lost paradise that characterizes the
romantic response to nature."(37) The only society that can gratify
such an indulgence is one that has little to fear from nature because
its technology has largely tamed it. To paraphrase Stanley Diamond's
comment about relativism, such a romantic response is "the bad faith
of the conqueror, who has become secure enough to become a
tourist."(38) Whether or not our technological genie should have been
released from his bottle, he cannot be put back inside. Nor would we
want to return (even if we could) to a "natural" premodern society
such as Tokugawa Japan, where hierarchical and exploitative "political
arrangements were presented as perfect in that they conformed to 'the
order found in the manifold natural phenomena of heaven and
earth.'"(39)
To summarize: the freedom that technology seems to offer us, to
dominate the natural world, has become our compulsive attempt at a
collective self-grounding that cannot succeed. Yet neither can we
self-conscious citizens of the twenty-first century find security by
returning to nature in the usual sense of the term. Apparently our
duality between nature and culture is not to be resolved by either
term subsuming the other. Is there any other alternative? I conclude
with some reflections on that issue.
Buddhism has much to say about the problem with conceptual
bifurcations such as that between nature and culture. The paradox of
such dualisms is that each term can be understood only in relation to
the other, as its negation. We usually make such distinctions because
we want one side rather than the other, yet their interdependence
means we cannot
31
avoid getting both. If it is important for me to live a pure life,I
must be preoccupied with avoiding impurity; my hope for success is
equalled by my fear of failure; my desire to live is also my terror of
death. And insofar as the nature/culture dualism reflects our need for
a ground, we have learned that to love one of them is to confront the
other. In so doing, however, have we also learned to overlook the
continuity between them?
Whitehead somewhere calls the duality between man and nature a
false dichotomy: mankind is that factor in nature which exhibits in
its most intense form the plasticity in nature. This plasticity --
lack of fixed form -- is another way to understand the sunyata of
phenomena, for their lack of self-essence is what enables constant
transformation of one thing into another. Whitehead's point is that
this is most true of homo sapiens, which of all species is capable of
the widest diversity of experiences. He refers to our "most intense"
plasticity -- a difference in degree, not in kind. But if the
ego-sense is constructed -- if its need for security is what resists
this extraordinary plasticity, by identifying with a more limited
range of possibilities -- then precisely what is it that exhibits this
plasticity? In other words, who or what is having all these different
experiences? If dogs and trees are also "empty" of a fixed essence, on
what basis do we bifurcate between humans and nonhuman creatures?
Perhaps what is unique about humans, from such a perspective, is
simply that we are the species which constructs such a difference;
that conceptual construction is one of the ways we express our
plasticity. If that is the case, however, the distinction is not only
dangerous but delusive. To see the "natural world" thus is to project
our way of thinking in a way that alienates ourselves from it, with
all the anxiety that entails.
This issue may be raised another way. Does phusis have more of a
self-organizing, self-developing aspect than we have acknowledged? In
contrast to the strong form/matter and mind/body dualisms of the
Western tradition, for example, the Chinese concept of ch'i does not
distinguish physical matter from awareness or from energy. Recent
attempts to wed Buddhism with general systems theory(40) raise the
possibility of joining natural selection and cultural development into
a more unified "grand theory" of evolution.
Can such abstract theories contribute to solving our very real and
intimate problem, the anxiety generated by our awareness of the
construc-
32
ted nature of our own self / our own society? For Buddhism, as we have
seen, theory is useful only insofar as it is based upon transformative
experience and helps us to transform our own experience. That brings
us back to what Thich Nhat Hanh said about this sheet of paper. His
analysis does not distinguish between cultural (paper) and natural
(clouds) phenomena. The practical question is how it might possible to
experience that interdependence.
One term used to describe the transformative experience in
Buddhism is the Sanskrit pravrtti, which may be understood as a
"turning around" from the alienated sense-of-self as something inside
the body, to realizing that the mind which experiences is not other
than the experienced world. As the thirteenth-century Japanese Zen
master Dogen put it: "I came to realize clearly that mind is no other
than mountains and rivers and the great wide earth, the sun and the
moon and the stars."(41) In terms of the culture/nature dualism, the
importance of such an immediate experience of our plasticity is that
it would not only free us (from the delusive alienation of an
ego-self) but also ground us: not by identifying with some particular
thing in the world, nor with something transcendent to the world, but
with the whole world itself, its boxy-or-attractive skyscrapers and
convenient-but-polluting automobiles as well as its mountains and
rivers. If this could occur, then, it should help to obviate both our
yearning to return to nature (for regrounding) and our technological
need to dominate nature (for self-grounding).
Whether or not such a transformative experience is actually
possible, however, is beyond the scope of this already too-long paper.
Bunkyo University, Japan
David Loy
Faculty of International Studies
Bunkyo University
Chigasaki 253 Japan
(September 1995)
NOTES
1.Ludwig Wittgenstein, Culture and Value, ed. G.H. Von Wright, tran.
Peter Winch (University of Chicago Press, 1980), 50e; his emphasis.
2.Almost, because there is an important exception: the Chinese
dialectic between Confucian emphasis on social norms and Taoist
emphasis on the Tao. If the parallel is significant, however, why
did it lead to such different historical consequences? I think the
answer is related to Confucius "conservatism. He understood his
teachings not as a means to restructure society but as the way to
restore the old social order, which allowed them to be
33
appropriated as the official ideology of later rulers. Instead of
helping to demystify the social order, therefore, Confucianism was
used to maintain it. For discussions of the Chinese conception of
nature, see J. Baird Callicot and Roger T. Ames, eds., Nature in
Asian Traditions of Thought (Albany: State University of New York,
1989).
3.S.C.Humphreys, "'Transcendence' and Intellectual Roles: The Ancient
Greek Case" in Daedalus Spring 1975: "Wisdom, Revelation, and Doubt:
Perspectives on the First Millennium B.C.", 92, 112.
4."Louis Dumont, "On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern
Civilizations" in Daedalus Spring 1975, 162,163.
5. "'Transcendence' and Intellectual Roles", 111.
6. Otto Rank, "Life Fear and Death Fear", quoted in Irvin Yalom,
Existential Psychotherapy (New York: Basic Books, 1980), 141-2.
7. History of the Peloponnesian War I.10.
8. Bruno Snell,The Discovery of the Mind in Greek Philosophy and
Literature, trans. T. G. Rosenmeyer (New York: Dover Publications,
1982), 130
9. E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1951), 254.
10. See Eli Sagan, The Honey and the Hemlock: Democracy and Paranoia
in Ancient Athens and Modern America (New York: Basic Books, 1991),
ch. 11 and passim.
11. Politics 1310a, in Aristotle, Politics, trans. Ernest Barker
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958).
12. The Republic 431.
13.Christopher Herbert, Culture and Anomie: Ethnographic Imgination in
the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
14. Culture and Anomie, 35.
15. Culture and Anomie, 52-53; Herbert's italics here and elsewhere.
16. For more on this, see David Loy, Lack and Transcendence: death and
life in psychotherapy, existentialism and buddhism (Atlantic
Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995).
17. Robert H. Lowie, Primitive Society (New York: Boni and Liveright,
1920), 441.
18. A. L. Kroeber, Anthropology ( 1948), 258.
19. Milton Singer, "On understanding Other Cultures and One's Own",
The Journal of General Education, 8.
20. Thich Nhat Hanh, The Heart of Understanding (Berkeley, CA:
Parallax Press, 1988), 3-5.
21. Culture and Anomie, p. 19. I think that part of the
anthropological difficulty in defining culture is due the fact that
what is at issue here is really a dualism: another permutation of
phusis versus nomos. The cultural is distin-
34
guished from something else, and then anthropologists are surprised
that they cannot understand it adequately by itself. So Clifford
Geertz distinguishes cultural symbols as "vehicles of thought" from
the social structure as "forms of human association", and despite
their inevitable interaction he ends up describing the human
situation in terms of their dichotomy. Jack Goody questions all
such attempts to differentiate the cultural (symbolic) from the
social (other forms of human interaction), concluding that the
cultural is not something distinct from the social but the social
viewed from another perspective ("Culture and its Boundaries: A
European View", Cultural Anthropology?(?), p.?. As Eric Wolf points
out, describing culture as secondary or derivative "recreates,
time and again, the seeming contradiction between earthbound
material processes and the free-floating zigzags of the mind"
("Perilous Ideas. Race, Culture, People", Cultural Anthropology
35(1), pp. 13, 30).
22. Nagarjuna's Mulamadhyamikakarikas [hereafter "MMK"] ch. 25: verses
19, 20, 9.
23. Culture and Anomie, p. 10.
24. Culture and Anomie, p. 11.
25. Culture and Anomie, p. 14.
26. David Scott, "Criticism and Culture", Critique of Anthropology 12
(4), 374-375.
27. Raymond Geuss, The Idea of a Critical Theory, 1981, 56.
28. Sutra Spoken by the Sixth Patriarch on the High Seat of "The
Treasure of the Law," trans. Wong Mou-lam (Hong Kong Buddhist Book
Distributor, n.d.), 95, 96.
29. Culture and Anomie, 156-157.
30. Quoted in Culture and Anomie, 174.
31. Roy Wagner, The Invention of Culture (Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall, 1975), 9.
32. Culture and Anomie, 174.
33. Donald Phillip Verene, "Technological Desire, " in Research in
Philosophy and Technology 7 (London: JAI Press, 1984), 107.
34.Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) was in his thirties when the Wright
brothers flew the first time, and he lived to be able to watch man
land on the moon.
35. See, for example, Martin Heidegger, Poetry, Language, Thought,
trans. Albert Hofstadter (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), 125.
36.Quoted in Bill McKibben, The End of Nature (Harmondsworth: Penguin,
1990), 66 - 67.
37.Georg Simmel, The Philosophy of Money, ed.David Frisby, trans. Tom
Bottomore and David Frisby (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1978),
35
478.
38. Stanley Diamond, "Anthropology in Question",in In Search of the
Primitive (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1974), 110.
39. Karel van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power: People and
Politics in a Stateless Nation (London: Macmillan, 1989), 337.
40. See especially Joanna Macy,Mutual Causality in Buddhism and
General Systems Theory: The Dharma of Natural Systems (Albany, New
York: State University of New York Press, 1991).
41. As quoted in Philip Kapleau, ed., The Three Pillars of Zen (Tokyo:
Weatherhill, 1965), 205. The original reference is from the
Sokushin-zebutsu fascicle of Dogen's Shobogenzo. The same point is
made in other fascicles such as Shinjin-gakudo, Bussho,
Sangai-yuishin, etc. For a comparative study of such subject-object
nonduality, see David Loy, Nonduality (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale
University Press, 1988).